DOGS
� Definition and types of pressure group
� Parties and pressure groups
� How pressure groups attempt to influence government
� Factors affecting pressure group success
� Pressure groups and democracy
Study Guide questions are found at the end of each section
1. Definition and Classification
o Samuel Finer has defined pressure groups as 'organisations [which try] to influence the policy of public bodies in their chosen direction; though, unlike political parties, never themselves prepared to undertake the direct government of the country'..
o Sectional and Promotional or Cause Groups - Richardson and Jordan outline the distinction in the following terms, �There is a basic distinction between self-interested groups pursuing sectional, often economic, ends and those groups which seek to promote a change in social values or practices.�
o Sectional interests speak in 'defence' of their members and groups organising shared attitudes seek to'promote'the causes which reflect the attitudes of their members.
o Groups such as the CBI or the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) are sectional groups. The Child Poverty Action Group (CPAG) serves as an example of a promotional (or cause) group.
o Another approximate distinction is between groups 'of' and groups 'for': CPAG might be for the poor, but it is not necessarily an organisation of the poor.
o �Sectional (or Interest) groups are generally regarded as organisations or associations linked to one's job or occupation, which give individuals in them a set of common interests to pursue. Good examples are trade unions and professional associations
o 'Cause' and promotional groups, by way of contrast, usually come together on the basis of some principle or activity to which individuals are committed.
o The difficulty is that most of the activities of pressure groups overlap at least a little. Hence the distinction between interest and cause groups is not always clear. The National Union of Teachers is an interest group but it often expresses the same concern for educational quality as some cause groups. Equally, some cause groups promote the interests of those who find it difficult to form their own interest group, such as
o Both sectional and cause groups can be sub-divided. sectional groups include:
� Industrial pressure groups - the CBI, NFU, The Engineering Employers Federation;
� Commercial pressure groups - Motor Agents Association, the Co-operative Movement;
� Financial pressure groups - the Bank of Enland, the British Insurance Association;
� Professional pressure groups - the Law Society and BMA;
� Trade Unions like the NUR.
o Examples of trade unions �
� UNISON (an amalgamation of NALGO, NUPE and COHSE, all public service unions) -membership 1,300,451.
� The TGWU (Transport and General Workers Union) - membership 881,357.
� lgamated Engineering & Electrical Union) - membership 720,296
� The TUC (Trades Union Congress), the trade association for 73 independent trade unions, essentially a union of trade unions - with a combined membership in 1998 of 6.6 million.'
o With regard to employers' associations, there is
� the CBI (Confederation of British Industry), which exists primarily to ensure that Governments understand the intentions, needs and problems of British business. With a membership of more than 250,000 firms, employers' associations and trade associations covering 50 per cent of both the UK's workforce and output, it is the leading 'voice' of business in Britain.
� Modern rivals for the CBI include the Chambers of Commerce and the Institute of Directors, and there are many more trade associations which speak for different sectors of British industry and commerce.
� The NFU (National Farmers' Union) has a membership of 68,817 throughout England and Wales, 75 per cent of the total number of farmers.
� Professional associations - prominent examples include the Royal College of Nursing which represents nurses, the Law Society for solicitors and the Bar Council for barristers.
� A vast array of other groups would also be classified as 'interest groups', such as the Society of Authors, the Royal British Legion, the Association of Licensed Taxi Drivers, the Scottish Whisky Association and the AA (Automobile Association).
o Cause groups include
� welfare groups - like Shelter and the Family Planning Association;
� environmental groups - like the CPRE;
� Cultural groups - like Christian Union;
� Recreational groups like the RFU, AAA and FA;
� International groups like Oxfam.
o Cause groups include those dedicated to:
� the cause of environmental protection, such as: - Friends of the Earth - 200,000 members; Greenpeace - 200,000 members; The National Trust - 2.5 million members; The Council for the Protection of Rural England - 46,000 members;
� to prison reform, such as The Howard League for Penal Reform - 3000 members and supporters;
� electoral reform, such as The Reform Society - 2000 members;
� nuclear disarmament, such as The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, CND - 35,000 members.
o Insider Groups - An 'insider group� has �an accepted right to be consulted before policies are authorised� (Kogan) - that is, before policy is put to parliament.
o The BMA and Law Society are insider groups. The basic assumption behind the concept is that both government and groups benefit. It is obviously in a groups� interest to establish confidential contact - whichever party is in power - so that the group is consulted whenever the government is contemplating measures which may affect the group.
o The implication is that the process of government in Britain involves a process of accommodation between governments and well-organised,, 'responsible' groups who are willing to bargain and compromise in confidence and out of public view.
o Social Movements - �The traditional role undertaken by pressure groups to promote political change in the United Kingdom has more recently been supplemented by organisations termed 'social movements'. These are associated with the leftwing of the political spectrum but have substituted the traditional Marxist emphasis on the overthrow of capitalism with a range of direct action tactics which seek to transform society by redefining social values.
o The environmental movement is an example of a contemporary social movement. It has succeeded in bringing together a range of groups engaged in counter-cultural protest (such as New Age Travellers). and those opposed to hunting, live animal exports, motorway construction and pollution.
o These seemingly disparate, single-issue bodies are united by a social vision which resists the culture of advanced capitalist society.
o They have used tactics of protest and direct action to project an alternative vision which emphasises environmental considerations rather than the pursuit of wealth and profit.
o Single Issue Groups - at the other end of the spectrum from social movements are single issue groups commonly based on NIMBY issues (not in my back yard). for example, groups grow to protest against specific industrial developments, or new airports or campaign for special laws and then disappear once the campaign has been won or lost.
o An example is the campaign waged to introduce a version of the US �Megan�s Law� which gives the public knowledge of the whereabouts of sex offenders once they have served their sentence.
Questions
What is a pressure group?
Outline � with examples � different types of pressure group.
2. Parties and Pressure Groups
o Pressure groups and parties are different: Parties want to become the government, pressure groups only want to influence government. Action on Smoking and Health (ASH), for example, wants to influence a small part of government policy, but does not want control.
� Parties have broad policy interests, pressure groups have narrow policy interests. The Countryside Alliance is concerned with country sports and the countryside, nothing else
� Parties are primarily political, pressure groups are not. Many try to avoid politics as much as possible. The Ramblers'Association becomes involved in politics only when access, walking and the countryside are involved.
� Parties fight elections, the vast majority of pressure groups do not. The British Medical Association (BMA) is a powerful pressure group in the health sector, but it does not run candidates for political office.
� Parties are usually ideological based on sets of political ideals and a philosophy, most pressure groups are pragmatic, designed to look after the interests of their members
o However, there is no very clear distinction between political parties and pressure groups.
� Some pressure groups have a very broad range of policy interests, for example the Trades Union Congress (TUC) and the Confederation of British Industries (CBI).
� Some groups (eg Friends of the Earth) are inextricably bound up with politics because of their aims.
� Certain groups do fight elections, like the Green Party.
� Many cause groups are highly philosophical - like the animal rights movement.
� Some �parties� are much more like pressure groups because they have little hope of controlling government, for example, the UK Independence Party and the Referendum Party.
Questions
Distinguish between pressure groups and parties
Why is it difficult to make a clear distinction?
3. Pressure Group Channels of Influence
(a) WHITEHALL
o Why Whitehall is the most important channel: The most significant channel of influence employed by pressure groups is Whitehall the departments of central government.
� 'The basic fact of pressure group activity in Britain is the inherent strength reposed in any British government, resulting from its extreme centralism.......� (Parry, 'British Government').
� Therefore pressure groups which achieve most success aim 'to establish confidential contact with the government, whichever party is in power, so the group is consulted whenever the government is contemplating measures which may affect the group' (Parry). This is sometimes referred to as 'insider' status.
� Groups want to influence government because government distributes enormous economic resources. 'Once it had been largely agreed by all parties that [government] should collect and spend over one third of the national income, tremendous pressures were bound to be brought to bear to influence the distribution of burdens and benefits.' (McKenzie, 'Parties, Pressure Groups and the British Political Process, Political Quarterly, 1958).
� Government and groups need each other. In such a situation, 'Groups needed government in order to ensure that their members got the share of the economic cake that they desired. Conversely, government needed the groups...... for advice, for information and for co-operation. The relationship became one of mutual dependence.' (Philip Norton, 'The British Polity').
o For governments there are many advantages
� They have access to a range of advice and information it needs to run a modern society
� government is more stable because government (through its permanent officials - the civil service) negotiates with major interests and
� secures their co-operation through compromises and bargains
� gets their help in implementing policy and mobilising consent among their members.
� Conflict is thus limited and controlled.
o It is common to talk of 'policy communities' - officials in government departments make policy together with a small number of 'client' or insider, groups. Others - pressure groups and other government departments (and parliament) are excluded. Relationships are regularised and perhaps institutionalised through an advisory committee. Pressure groups are responsible and abide by the rules of the game - not criticising the government in public.
o The Agricultural Community - at least until the mid-1980s - is a classical example. In a policy community there is a high degree of agreement between officials and representatives of pressure groups and their relationship is one of bargaining and exchange of information or favours. The classic policy community was in agriculture between the 1930s and the mid 1980s. The threat of war placed the farmers in a strong position. The 'Annual Price Review' was established in the 1930s to fix foodstuff prices. The Ministry of Agriculture negotiated prices with the NFU - all other groups, for example consumer or environmental groups were excluded. This continued after 1945 because of a world shortage of food. There was agreement on the basic aim of policy - to increase British production of food and that farmers would receive a high level of state subsidy. This policy community continued unchallenged, into the 1980s.
o How groups co-operate with Whitehall:
� Pressure groups and Whitehall co-operate formally - by serving together on advisory and executive agencies and QUANG0s. These bodies have increased. 'What is significant is the number of such bodies and the extent to which they are manned by and would be unable to function without members of affected interest groups' (Philip Norton 'The British Polity').
� Groups may also be asked to service on Royal Commissions of Committees of Inquiry to advise on specific issues.
� They also operate informally - e.g. luncheons hosted by a Minister for a foreign dignitary - salaried group leaders are often invited.
o Criticisms and Defence : The relationship between pressure groups and Whitehall is open to a range of criticisms most strongly made by Marxist theorists.
� Marxists stress the economic basis of politics conflicts take place in a society where wealth is unevenly distributed between two classes, those who own the 'means of production' and those who sell their labour.
� An article in The Independent in December 1989, in arguing why the volume of sugar in the British diet is not seriously investigated by the Department of Health pointed out that the chairman of the Medical Research Council - a quango responsible for allocating research fund - was Earl Jellico, a director of Tate and Lyle. advisor on the privatisation programme.
� These criticisms can be partially countered by the argument that policy in many areas is not controlled by such closed communities, and even in some policy areas which once were dominated by such a relationship, the policy community can break down.
� Policy communities are subject to challenges. Smith outlines a number of reasons why policy-making in closed communities may break down - because of changes in external relations (membership of the EU has disturbed many policy communities in Britain , particularly in agriculture); economic and social change (new groups have arisen interested in peace, racial and sexual equality, animal welfare) new problems arise (for example, environmental issues). The breakdown of the agriculture policy community illustrates these points.
� The key development was Britains's membership of the EEC, the food mountains and their cost to Britain, Conservative MPs were at the forefront of criticisms of the CAP. Environmentalists were becoming increasing concerned with intensive farming methods; medical experts raised questions about the use of chemicals on the land; the media's interest grew; in addition, there was pressure from the USA, Australia, New Zealand and many third world countries for Europe to cut production as surplus was off-loaded cheaply; the EU has become the largest exporter of food in the world.
(b) PARTIES
o Links between pressure groups and parties :
� British government is party government so it is inevitable that pressure groups will have links with the major parties - especially the sectional groups because both the Conservative and Labour parties have widely been seen as based on economic class interests.
� The Conservative Party has policies and principles which are sympathetic to industry and commerce. By the early 1980's about 300 publicly quoted companies contributed approximately �2 million annually to the Conservative Party - probably approaching 1/4 of total income. Industry and business are not formally represented in the party but are informally represented at all levels from the Cabinet and parliamentary party downwards.
� The Labour Party has formed links with the union movement which created it. Through political affiliation, the unions provide the bulk of members, over half the NEC and the great majority of party conference votes plus one third of votes for party leader.. Unions sponsor parliamentary candidates and provide over three-quarters of all party income.
o Prisoners of vested economic interests ?
� Both major parties often accuse each other of this yet parties cannot be a simple channel for pressure group interests. Parties are themselves coalitions of interests and viewpoints and governments must deal with national and international issues much wider than the concerns of domestic economic interests. Governments must also face re-election.
� At the same time, sectional interests cannot afford to be exclusively aligned with one party - they must seek to protect their interests whoever is in power.
� The Conservatives after 1979 followed an economic policy based on ideology, not the views of industry and business who often wished for more pragmatic government policy.
� The association of many major sectional groups under broad party umbrellas is very important but it is incorrect to suggest that pressure groups can dictate policy to parties in fact, because the sectional interests would generally prefer a specific government, they have to be prepared to moderate their demands on 'their' party for the sake of electoral success. Therefore, parties control pressure groups just as much as pressure groups control parties.
o Party Funding :
� Despite the above conclusion there remain major concerns about party funding. The Constitution Unit reports that � Labour came to power with a commitment to ban political parties from receiving donations from overseas and to oblige them to reveal the source of their income. It also promised to ask the Committee on standards in Public Life to examine the regulation of party funding. The Committee investigated party funding between December 1997 and October 1998. Its final report included recommendations to:
� increase in the level of state support for the parties in parliament,
� enforce disclosure of donations over the value of �5,000 (to the national part of a party) or �1,000 (to a constituency);
� cap general election spending by each party of �20m
� establish an Election Commission, to oversee the disclosure of donations, caps on election spending and other tasks imposed by the new regulations;
� equal public funding for the main opposing campaign groups in referendums;.
c Pressure Groups and Westminister
o The potential of Westminster: pressure groups attempt to influence parliament for three main reasons:
� To amend legislation
� To promote legislation
� To influence the general climate of opinion
� The ability of backbenchers and peers to influence legislation is restricted because of the nature of strong, party government. But parties are not monoliths, leaders do not exercise unquestioned loyalty of their followers.
� The House of Commons has witnessed significant 'rebellions' of backbenchers since 1970 and a much more effective committee system was established in 1979. The Lords has become much more independent since 1979.
� In additional, there are several circumstances when legislation can be more open to pressure group influence
� when the government majority is small (e.g. 1964-66, 1974-6, after 1992 - for example the Conservatives dropped post office privatisation in 1994, Heseltine said, because 9 Tory MPs had told him they could not support the measure) or nonexistent, (1976-79);
� when there is a free vote in Parliament (e.g. Capital Punishment);
� when backbench M.P's have the opportunity to introduce Private Members Legislation (e.g. David Steel's Abortion Bill 1969 and attempts to amend it in 1988 by David Alton);
� when general elections are on the horizon.
o Who uses parliament ?
� Parliament tends to be the major channel for many promotional groups which lack 'insider' status. So groups such as the League Against Cruel Sports, the Ramblers Association, and the Consumers Association direct considerable effort towards parliamentary pressure.
� Such promotional groups depend on demonstrating that public opinion supports them hence they must publicize their case - get it presented in Parliament, attempt to 'educate' the public and win support. This is why such groups will usually mount general campaigns to support the parliamentary channel - issuing material to the press, appearing on radio and television.
o Why do Ministers give way to pressure groups ?
� Ministers will sometimes give concessions and Finer, in 'Anonymous Empire', identified some broad reasons. Ministers and civil servants are not infallible - they may concede to limit the political dangers if they make mistakes - e.g. the units fine sysytem was quickly withdrawn in 1993; the CSA was reformed in 1995.
� Ministers may engage in gamesmanship - Ministers will often concede on minor points if this soothes the passage of the main provisions of a Bill.
� Electoral support is another factor since governments cannot afford to consistently alienate significant sections of the people.
� Keeping backbenchers sweet - concessions have to be given to backbenchers especially since parties are broad Churches and constituency interests have to be considered. Backbenchers are increasingly willing to vote against their own party leaders.
� Also - the threat of House of Lords opposition may encourage concession to avoid bottlenecks in the legislative process. The Lords has been much more independently minded since 1979.
� Ideology is also often significant. . 'Success can often depend on couching proposals in terms which include catch-phrases likely to appeal to certain ideological outlooks' (Davies) e.g. the Conservative administrations after 1979 saw competition as central to policy so the Consumer Association mounted its campaign to end solicitors conveyancing monopoly in these terms.
o How pressure groups work through parliament: Pressure groups use a number of methods when working through parliament.
� The mass lobby at the House of Commons - the traditional demonstration of mass support was once commonly employed during protracted industrial disputes or during intense public debate, for example in 1988 during an attempt to amend abortion regulations.
� Overlapping membership and paid consultancies- many MPs and peers are members of pressure groups or are generally sympathetic to the cause. Groups may try to recruit MPs and list them as supporters on their literature e.g. Des Wilson managed to persuade 175 MPs and 50 peers to officially support the Freedom of Information Campaign. Many MPs are willing to speak on behalf of groups because of their shared viewpoin, without any payment.
� Extracts from the Register of members interests, March 2001 NICHOLLS, Patrick (Teignbridge) Renumeration: Wells: tailors, London. (�1,001-�5,000) The Clinical Dental Technicians Association (CDTA). (�10,001-�15,000) Builders Hardware Industry Forum. (�5,001-�10,000) The Glass and Glazing Federation. (�1,001-�5,000) Consultant to Messrs. Dunn & Baker, Solicitors. Occasional fees for writing and broadcasting. Member of Harris Parliamentary Panel. (�1-�1,000) Occasional opinion polls for MORI. 5. Gifts, benefits and hospitality (UK) From late October 1997, loan of a sky dish from News International. Cosmetic treatment to the body work of my motor car by The Plastic Surgeon Ltd of Exeter, Devon. (Registered 28 February 2000) 6. Overseas visits 20-27 April 2000, to Egypt with my wife at the invitation and expense of the Government of Egypt. (Registered 11 May 2000) 8-13 October 2000, to Bahrain accompanied by my wife, on a study tour financed by the Gulf Centre for Strategic Studies. (Registered 2 November 2000) 19-22 October 2000, to Malaga to make a speech; air ticket paid for by Conservatives Abroad. (Registered 2 November 2000) 8. Land and Property Commercial rented property in Devon. 10. Miscellaneous and unremunerated interests Parliamentary representative (unpaid) of the National Ex-Prisoner of War Association.
� Sponsorship - some groups pay MPs to put their case in Parliament. Trade unions sponsor over 40% of all Labour M.P's, who receive help with election expenses, parliamentary costs and a small salary.
� Professional lobbyists - there are 30 or so specialist firms which monitor parliamentary business and inform clients of relevant developments; establish contacts between groups and M.P's, civil servants and the media and build up data on M.P's interests and attitudes. Ken Livingstone used such a consultancy firm in his 'Save the GLC' campaign. Many of these have been established by M.P's themselves and there is considerable concern about their influence (see below).
o How can MPs help pressure groups ?
� MPs assist a pressure group by pulling strings - an enquiry to a Minister is more likely to receive a quick reply if it comes from an M. P. - or through horse trading - M. P's engage in horse-trading behind the scenes so that a promise to support another group's interest will ensure their support in return.
� They may ask questions and speak in debates - the NFU have often employed Question Time to help mobilize support and have supplied M.P's with questions to ask the Minister. This is often done in collusion with the Minister himself who prefers there to be seen to be a groundswell of parliamentary support before taking action.
� M.P's may often speak in debates from briefs supplied by pressure groups in their constituencies, e.g. the Scottish Whisky Association.
� Parliamentary Procedure - putting down amendments to completely irrelevant legislation to prevent a bill which is considered harmful, e.g. in June 1981, Sir Anthony Kershaw tabled 27 out of 164 trivial amendments to the Zoo Licensing Bill - this prevented the next item being debated. It happened to be a bill to eliminate tobacco sponsorship in sport and the arts. Kershaw was a paid representative of British American Tobacco. Alton's attempt to reform abortion law in 1988 was similarly defeated.
� Private Members Legislation may be used - David Steel's Abortion Bill of 1967 is an example of an M.P working closely with a pressure group , which acted as a research body providing expertise. The NVALA and Consumers Association have had success with bills concerning video censorship and solicitors conveyancing monopoly. But if there is a well-organized counter campaign success is unlikely, e.g. between 1967 and 1977 there were 16 unsuccessful attempts to prohibit stag-hunting and hare-coursing because opponents used procedure to block the bills. Industry and business may retain MPs as directors or advisors.
o Dangers:
� There are dangers in the process of influencing MPs as well as the advantages such as MPs gaining status, resources and information from their relationship with pressure groups.
� Only the wealthy and well-organized can exploit the full potential of this channel - by hiring MPs or special agencies.
� The tactics of influencing MPs by monetary or other rewards, the procedural methods often used to block proposals and the operation of special agencies - bring democratic politics into disrepute.
d. Courts
o There is not the same tradition of using the courts as in the USA - this is largely because there is no written constitution in Britain and British courts do not have the same powers as the American Supreme Court. However, with the passing of the Human Rights Act this is set to change � perhaps dramatically.
o The Human Rights Act: The UK has been a signatory of the Convention of Human Rights since 1953. Individuals, often supported by pressure groups, have taken cases to the European Court of Human Rights with some success e.g. corporal punishment in schools was declared contrary to the convention - the case was supported by STOPP. Success has also been achieved in the area of equal pay and freedom of prisoners mail from censureship.
o In October 2000, the Human Rights Act came into effect, incorporating the ECHR into UK law. This has great potential for making the courts a major target for pressure group campaigns. The Labour Government�s incorporation of the ECHR into British law requires a different balance between a Bill of Rights interpreted by judges and the power of elected politicians.
� Labour�s Bill makes it unlawful for public bodies (including government departments, agencies, the police, prison officers, privatised utilities and the armed forces) to exercise their powers in ways which are incompatible with the ECHR.
� Citizens will be able to appeal to the principles enshrined in the ECHR in any court in Britain. Courts will be able to quash actions of public bodies and to grant compensation to victims of abuse of power.
� Acts are to be interpreted in ways which are compatible with the ECHR (ie if there is ambiguity or vagueness, the ECHR will be used to interpret an Act in ways which make it fit the principles of the convention).
� If parliament passes legislation which the higher courts believe is not compatible with the ECHR, they can issue a formal declaration to that effect.
� The courts will not have the power to veto such an act as unlawful, but the Labour White Paper states that such a declaration will �almost certainly� prompt a government to change the law.
� So, as envisaged by the current government, parliamentary sovereignty will remain intact but the ECHR will have both legal and moral force in restricting the actions of parliament and government.
� Challenges to deportation orders for asylum seekers, more family friendly conditions for prisoners and an end to postcode rationing of NHS drugs are just some of the potential consequences of the Human Rights Act.
� Prisoners located hundreds of miles from their homes, or denied conjugal visits or artificial insemination, or those in mother and baby units eventually separated from their children, might claim an infringement of their right to family life.
� Action against the NHS is also expected. Under article two, the right to life, the state must not only refrain from taking life but has to safeguard it. Thus patients could challenge the postcode rationing of certain lifesaving drugs if a particular drug were available on the NHS in Oxford but not in Newcastle.
o Legal reform : Another factor in the increasing use of courts as a political forum is that there has been a wave of government sponsored legal reforms in the last twenty years, for example, limiting the right of silence and more recently, suggesting that the principle of double jeopardy be ended.
o Administrative Review: Courts in Britain have the duty to ensure that public officials do not act beyond the authority parliament has granted (ultra vires rule) and that they abide by the common law principle of natural justice.
o Groups have used the courts to challenge government decisions e.g. the unions at GCHQ unsuccessfully challenged the Conservative governments decision to prohibit union membership on security groups but The World Development Movement was successful in its attempt - in the High Court - to get Britain's aid contribution towards the building of the Pergau Dam in Malaysia, declared a misuse of public funds. A recent example is shown below.
o Politicisation of the Law : - since 1979 the courts have become much more involved in political disputes. For example, in March 2001, a leading QC from Matrix chambers, where Cherie Booth is a founding member, argued on behalf of the Fawcett Society, that five male judges cannot be an impartial court in deciding where the balance lies between the right of male defendants to a fair trial and the rights of their female accusers to privacy and dignity. The lords must decide whether a "rape shield" law which came into force in December, making evidence of a woman's sexual past inadmissible in deciding whether she consented, violates a defendant's right to a fair trial. The Fawcett Society is calling on the law lords to ensure that two women sit on the five-strong panel for the case.
e. The Media
o Wyn Grant has outlined several ways pressure groups try to use the media to exert
leverage on politicians,
� Visibility refers to the use of the media to establish a presence, and to recruit and retain members. For example, a television programme called �The Animals Film ' was an important moment in the growth of public awareness of animal exploitation' (Porritt and Winner 1988, p. 52).
� Constant exposure for the group in the media reassures its membership that it is active, and helps in the retention of members. There is little point in recruiting a large number of new members as a result of a blitz of media activity if their interest cannot be engaged and their support retained.
� Using the media as a means of exerting influence on government is clearly particularly important. Sometimes, the government can be embarrassed into changing its mind through leaks of its intentions. 'The classic case occurred in 1977 when the Child Poverty Action Group leaked Cabinet minutes indicating that the Government was intending to postpone introduction of the child benefit scheme. The decision was reversed with trade union support mobilised by the leaks. and child benefit was phased in.
� The case of Phoenix the calf helped focus the farmers� campaign to end culling of healthy animals during the foot and mouth outbreak in the spring of 2001.
� Media coverage can reinforce a case being made to civil servants by demonstrating that the matter is one of public concern. It may help to move the problem up the political agenda.
� Environmental groups have been able to use media coverage to arouse public opinion and obtain a response from a previously indifferent government department. In relation to issues such as the introduction of lead-free petrol and against the introduction of heavier lorries, 'the media interest transformed what had previously been a humdrum administrative matter into a sensitive political issue' (Lowe and Goyder 1983. p. 79).
� Pressure groups may lobby the media directly and attempt to influence the content of its output. A meeting between environmentalists and Robert Maxwell led to a three-month campaign on environmental issues in Mirror newspapers.
g. Direct Action
o Influencing government through attempting to �educate� and mobilise public opinion is normally a sign of weakness � but circumstances do change. Sectional groups sometimes resort to direct action if other methods break down, for example the NFU have mounted direct action demonstations on many occasions since 1997. Educational and image-building techniques are employed as a matter of course by a wide variety of sectional and promotional groups.
o But some promotional groups rely almost exclusively on public pressure. Wyn Grant calls these 'ideological� outsider groups - they do not want to become too closely entangled with the political system because they wish to radically challenge authority or accepted policy. CND and environmental like ALF are examples. Also single issue groups for a by-pass, or against a power station, or for a Welsh TV channel or tax discs - generally must mobilise mass public support before they can expert success.
o The May Day anti-capitalism rallies are good examples of direct action.
o To be successful such groups must convince the government that there has been a sea-change in public opinion. There are examples of such groups, for example ASH, in conjunction with the BMA.
o The campaign to keep Bart's Hospital open : A public campaign in the early 1990s, notable for its skilful handling of the media, exploitation of contacts and presentation of a reasoned alternative course of action is the campaign to save St Bartholomew's Hospital in London, which was threatened with closure by a Department of Health review.
o Bart's is more than just a major London hospital catering for some 400,000 local residents and several hundred thousand more commuters. It is also a national referral centre. Heart patients travel from as far as Wales. The children's cancer services, built up over 20 years, are internationally renowned. The hospital is also nationally respected for gastroenterology, diabetes and the treatment of hormone disorders.
o But the Conservative government was determined to rationalise specialties in London, to cut unneeded beds and release more money to improve the capital's dilapidated primary health care services. Bart's, on the doorstep of Fleet Street, is not short of media connections and they were quickly exploited. Jane Dacre, a Bart's consultant, alerted her husband Nigel, who is editor of ITN, and her brother-in-law Paul, editor of the Daily Mail. Anthony Clare, a former professor of psychiatry at the hospital talked to BBC colleagues. Jane Anderson, a senior lecturer in Aids and wife of the television presenter Clive Anderson, spread the word among her colleagues.
o The media was bombarded with argument - any bit of information that might help the cause, such as the fact that the time Tomlinson had spent at the hospital was not more than five hours. A vital figure in the campaign was the popular Professor Lesley Rees, dean of the Bart's medical school. She immediately harnessed the loyalty of Bart's medical students and as a member of the Press Complaints Commission was able to use her contacts with editors. 'It was not so much that we wanted to tell people what to write,' she says. 'We wanted them to know very quickly what could happen. 'The idea of closing Bart's to balance the health care books seemed to reflect a general malaise in this country. Quality of care and years of loyalty were left out of the equation. It was like saying Westminster Abbey should be demolished to build offices.'
o The final political breakthrough may well have been the debacle over the mines. It is reckoned that the Government was loath to risk a similarly expensive one over London hospitals. In the end, Virginia Bottomley � the minister - decided to give Bart's a partial reprieve, confining it to specialised treatment and research. The site of the hospital close to the levers of power and influence was vital to the success of the campaign. �That success is a dramatic demonstration of the powers that can be unleashed when the professional classes exploit their considerable network of contacts and lobbying skills�. (Daily Telegraph, 13 February 1993)
Questions
Explain the different methods pressure groups use to try to influence government.
4. Factors which influence pressure group success
a. Nature and scope of membership
o A pressure group which:
� has a monopoly on representing a section of society
� represents an easily organisable economic interest
� concentrates its efforts on the political defence of those interests
� has considerable potential political influence.
o The power of a group depends to a considerable extent on both the coverage and the cohesion of its membership. If a group has a clear identity and purpose and if it manages to attract into its membership a high proportion of those eligible to join, it can be said to have a good coverage and is likely to be effective in defence of its members' interests. This has been borne out by the British Medical Association (BMA) which over the years has had over 80 per cent of all practising doctors in membership
o On the other hand, if a group seeks to represent a wide range of interests, it is likely to have little natural cohesion and to be rather ineffective in defence of its members' interests. For example, neither the TUC, which seeks to represent 73 affiliated trade unions and 6.6 million individual trade unionists, nor the CBI, which seeks to do the same for more than 250,000 subscribing companies and employers' and trade associations, has been really effective on behalf of its members, since the need to be inclusive has weakened the cohesion and hence the effectiveness of each organisation. The TUC has had the added problem that the membership of trade unions declined by 45 per cent - more than 5.5 million members between 1979 and 1998, while the CBI has had the obvious difficulty of trying to represent employers both large and small in both the private and public sectors. For these reasons, among others, neither organisation has been particularly powerful or effective in recent times.
o Teachers have been weakened as a political force because the profession is represented by a range of often-conflicting unions.
b. Unity and Loyality of the rank and file
o The degree of loyalty shown by the rank and file towards their leaders and spokesmen is another aspect of the relative power or weakness of any group.
o When the activities of pressure group leaders seem likely to prejudice the interests of the ordinary members, the rank and file are quite likely to reject the lead which is given. For example, Arthur Scargill, as President of the NUM, was opposed by a majority of his own members when he was precipitate in seeking their endorsement for a political campaign of industrial action against the 1979-83 Conservative Government and succeeded only in splitting his union in 1984-85 when he persuaded his Executive to launch an all-out strike against threatened pit closures without first securing the support of his members in a union ballot.
o Other groups are not easy to organise. For example, railwaymen are split into grades and engine drivers have their own �elite� union which aims to protect the privileges of its members from those in lower grades as well as deal with the management. It is even more difficult to organise diverse groups like consumers to, for example, boycott particular goods, shops or manufacturers.
o Business, professional and commercial enterprises find it easier to organise and agree on policies, for example airlines may agree on fare tariffs, oil producers on prices and so on because relevant decision-makers can easily communicate.
c. Political leverage
o The power of pressure groups also depends on the degree of political leverage which they can exert. In 1989 the brewing industry showed its ability to sway the then Conservative Government, partly through its ability to exploit a clever and hard-hitting advertising campaign, partly through an adroit use of political contacts, and partly because many Conservative backbenchers realised the significant part which it played in providing financial support for the party.
o Such leverage can take the form of an ability to deny to the rest of society the provision of goods or services which the community cannot easily do without and which others are not able to supply. For example, power station workers or air traffic controllers can be in such a position, as can computer operators in the Civil Service or safety workers in the water industry.
o Some groups have used campaigns of civil disobedience as a way to try and achieve their aims. The Suffragettes were an early example. More recently there has been:
� the wide-scale campaign for the non-payment of the Poll Tax;
� the port demonstrations co-ordinated by CIWF (Compassion in World Farming) against the live animal export trade in 1994-95;
� the action taken by Welsh farmers against McDonalds over their purchases of British Beef in 1998;
� the activity of DAN (Disabled People's Direct Action Network) which has fought hard in recent years to change the face of disability activism - such as lying on the pavement outside Downing Street in pools of blood-red paint.
� Other groups have become involved - some intentionally, others unintentionally - in direct action which has involved violence. Examples of this are: the inner city riots of the early 1980s, the Poll Tax riot in Trafalgar Square in 1990, and the riot against the Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill in 1994; the actions of the Animal Liberation Front involving arson attacks in the early 1990s; some of the excesses witnessed at the direct action campaigns against the Newbury bypass, the Exeter-Honiton A30 extension scheme, the Twyford Down cutting and the Manchester Airport extension in the mid-to-late 1990s.
o Actions which harm other members of the public are often counter-productive like tube strikes or teacher or doctor axtions which hit parents and patients.
d. Expertise and Civil Service contacts
o The strength and frequency of contacts with the Civil Service is another aspect of the power and influence of groups. On the whole, established groups prefer to have a continuous, quiet influence on the process of Government rather than an intermittent and noisy impact based on the use of media publicity and the staging of public demonstrations.
o They use their reliable and frequent contacts with Whitehall and the expertise of their own professional staff to influence Ministerial decisions and the detailed content of legislation. In such cases resorting to widely publicised campaigns is almost an admission of failure.
o A number of groups secure official representation on advisory committees established within the orbits of Whitehall Departments and in this way are able to support and monitor the detailed aspects of policy implementation. This gives them:
� extra status and recognition in Whitehall
� rights of access to Ministers when the need arises
� and opportunities for consultation and influence not available to others outside the charmed circle of customary consultative arrangements in central Government.
o The classic case has probably been the relationship between the Road Transport Federation, the principal lobby group for the road freight interest, and the Department of Transport which, until a shift of policy in 1994, had consistently pushed ahead with the road building programme seemingly in defiance of the Treasury, the competing railway lobby and the general environmental interest. Another example would be the Prison Reform Trust, which has established a niche role despite having neither a large membership nor significant financial resources; the Home Office always consults the Trust when considering policy on prisons.
e. Publicity value
o The publicity traditionally secured by the Child Poverty Action Group for poor families with children or by Shelter for the homeless was beneficial to those particular sections of society, at any rate as long as Ministers were either sympathetic to their arguments or embarrassed into action
o In the early 1980s the Campaign for Lead-Free Air (CLEAR) was able to make considerable headway towards achieving its goal as a result of the publicity arising first from the leaking of a letter from the Government's Chief Medical Officer to the effect that lead in petrol was permanently reducing the IQ of many children, and then from the report of the Royal Commission on Environmental Pollution which confirmed the dangers to children and called for the banning of lead in petrol.
o In 1998 the Countryside Alliance not least via a march through London which drew an estimated 250,000 people raised the profile of a whole range of rural concerns, placing the countryside firmly on the political agenda.
f. Financial power
o Not even the most lavishly funded campaigns achieve their objectives simply because they can out-spend their opponents - as the billionaire Sir James Goldsmith found in 1997 when he spent �20 million and failed in his efforts to secure a referendum on Britain's future in the European Union. Whatever the reasons, it is difficult to point to any occasions when money on its own has bought success for a pressure group.
o However, the discussion of the Marxist view of pressure groups points to many examples of the influence of wealth. During Neil Hamilton's libel suit against Mohamed al-Fayed and the Guardian, a Mobil executive testified that Hamilton, then on the Commons Finance Committee, demanded cash for defending the oil company's positions. The executive was 'horrified', as Mobil had legitimately approached Hamilton without thought of payment. Nevertheless, the firm suggested the payment be invoiced as a consulting fee, though 'The reality was that we were buying off Mr Hamilton for what he had done, in connection with this tax issue.'
o In what must be the most stunning - and unreported - statement of the trial, Mobil's barrister informed its executive that 'This was the normal course of things for some MPs who did ask for payment.' Really? Which other MPs? And how much? And which other companies received bills from 'Parliamentarians-R-Us'? Most important, is this still business as usual?
o During the long period of Conservative rule from 1979 until 1997, critics of the Government argued that its health policy was undermined by the financial and political power of the tobacco industry which successfully resisted pressures for a complete ban on all tobacco advertising.
g. Voting power
o Trade union influence on the Labour Party stems from the fact that the creation of the Labour Party at the end of the nineteenth century was largely the work of the trade unions and ever since then trade union influence within the wider movement was often significant and occasionally decisive. However, in the 1990s the links between the Labour Party and the trade unions became the focus of considerable debate, and there was even some talk of a 'friendly divorce'. Nonetheless, the connection is one of the defining links in British politics, and although it has changed and may change further, it is doubtful that it will be ended. The Labour Party therefore has to keep in mind this relationship and its commitment to the minimum wage reflects this connection.
o Groups like senior citizens � now with their own union � have considerable voting party as was shown in Gordon Brown�s 2001 budget.
h. Historical Circumstances and the Party in Power
The Conservatives
o After 1979 Conservative ministers did not seek cooperation of trade unions for an incomes policy and privatised many government-owned industries. After 1979 there was more conflict between interest groups, largely in the public sector, and the Conservative government than at any other period in the post-war era. Three factors may explain this:
� The Thatcher government made no secret of its wish to change the direction of policy in much of the public sector. Groups which have an interest in the status quo were therefore likely to be offended.
� Ministers wished to constrain the growth of public spending on many services and to reduce state subsidies; again, it is not surprising that interests dependent on such expenditure, notably on health, social welfare, education, and local government, complained.
� Ministers, finally, took seriously claims that the authority of an elected government should not be compromised by bargains with sectional interests, particularly the trade unions. School teachers found that a core curriculum, national testing of pupils, and a contract of service was imposed on them. In 1989 the doctors had new contracts imposed on them by the Ministry of Health. These limit their budgets and link a greater part of their pay to the number of patients they treat. In 1989 the Lord Chancellor proposed changes to the legal profession, notably ending the barristers' exclusive rights of audience in the higher courts and the solicitors' monopoly conveyancing services.
New Labour and pressure groups
o New Labour relationships with the unions promised to be less close than under previous Labour Administrations but also closer than those of the previous Conservative Governments. New Labour made manifesto promises attractive to the unions including a statutory minimum wage, the signing of the European Social Chapter and the promise of union recognition where the majority of the work force vote for a union to represent them. Moreover, despite the reduction of their role, the unions' influence within the party remained considerable and they contributed �11 million to the party's election campaign. By early 1998, the Labour Government had pleased the unions by signing the Social Chapter, removing the ban on unions at GCHQ, and setting up a Low Pay Commission to examine the minimum wage
o New Labour made a determined pre-election effort to reassure business and where possible to gain its active support with promises of a low-tax, low-inflation regime committed to maintaining Conservative public spending levels for two years. It promised flexible labour markets and help for small businesses. It sought and reputedly received large financial support from business, together with the political backing of some chairmen of leading companies and substantial support in a poll of businessmen. After the election, Labour's pro-business sympathies were further demonstrated by its appointment of leading businessmen Geoffrey Robinson, formerly head of Jaguar cars, and Sir David Simon, the former chairman of BP, to leading posts in the government. Its decision to join the European single currency found favour with the CBI which also expressed concern about the Conservatives' move to hardline opposition to it.
o The advent of the New Labour Government shifted the balance of advantage among causes and interests as indicated by the fierce conflicts generated over its manifesto promises of a ban on tobacco advertising, greater freedom for people to explore the countryside and a free vote on a ban on fox hunting.
Question
What factors contribute to pressure group success?
5. Pressure Groups are Valuable to Democracy : Pluralism
a. The Pluralist Perspective
Pluralist theory is the only model to suggest unambiguosly that pressure groups do enhance democracy because they complement representative institutions like elections and parliaments.
� Pluralism � groups are a product of freedom of association, which is a fundamental principle of liberal democracy its obverse is autocratic or tyrannical suppression of interests. Freely operating pressure groups are essential to the effective functioning of liberal democracy in three main ways:
o they serve as vital intermediary institutions between government and society
o they assist in the dispersal of political power;
o and they provide important counterweights to undue concentration of power.
� Individuals on their own are not particularly significant in politics, and elections and party politics have limited impact in securing government responsiveness to citizens (because, for example, elections occur only every 4 or 5 years and parties have very broad lines of policy). Therefore the interests of individuals are primarily represented by organised groups.
� Democratic societies are �open� - made up of many competing groups which can freely form. Any one individual belongs to many groups so interests �cross-cut� and groups have overlapping memberships. individuals are therefore not totally committed to one group - those who work for a large multi-national company are also motorists, houseowners, football fans, people with an interest in clean air and water etc.
� Society is not dominated by one group but typified by many conflicting and co-operating groups (hence pluralism). No interests are left permanently outside the policy process.
� Political power is fragmented because resources are widely dispersed; money and wealth is only one source of influence; numbers in a group is another - and government cannot ignore the claims of voters; some groups have moral claims - the disabled or the aged. Even the most disadvantaged have influence, because all governments wish to maintain political stability and therefore cannot tolerate a large disenchanted 'underclass'.
� Pluralists believe that the politics is about bargaining - group action can press an issue on to the government so that it must deal (respond) to the demands of groups. Politics itself is fluid and ever changing and the policy process is best characterised as one involving bidding, bargaining, negotiation, accommodation. compromise and checks and balances.
� The system of government is not permanently biased to specific groups ; the government acts more as a referee between the competing groups and restores a balance if one group gains too much power. The influence of business is limited by divisions within the business community and by the priority parties have to win elections.
� The outcome of the competition between groups is that government is stable because everyone can participate everyone's interests are weighed on the scales.
b. Pluralist Views on the Value of Pressure Groups to Democracy
o To pluralists pressure groups are an invaluable aspect of democracy working alongside representative institutions like political parties, elections and parliament. Specifically:
� Pressure groups have symbolic value - groups embody principles of limited government and government by consent - a free society spawns a variety of groups.
� The also add to political stability by relieving frustration because if the only way to influence political bodies was to work through political parties, minorities would become 'embittered, defeated, crushed and frustrated'. (Wilson)
� Pressure groups are also representative - parties cannot be the sole 'transmission belts' of interests and opinions; MP's do not operate in a vacuum between elections. 'Voters insist on their right to advise, cajole, and warn..... the pressure group system ..... is an indispensable concomitant of the party system. It provides an invaluable set of multiple channels through which the mass of citizenry can influence the decision-making process at the highest level.'(McKenzie 'Political Quarterly' 1958). Without pressure groups democracy would be 'a rigid and stupid bureaucracy' (Finer); and 'In the age of bigness and technology. the lobby tempers the system [by] promoting continuous interchange between governors and governed'. (Finer).
� Pressure groups �help all Governments to develop and implement their policies by entering into detailed consultations on proposals for administrative action or legislation and subsequently by delivering a measure of public consent to the output of the policy and decision making process. For example, Shelter has had considerable influence on housing legislation over the years, the Child Poverty Action Group has consistently pressed for improvements to help the poor and especially families with children, and the Magistrates' Association is regularly consulted about the development of the criminal law by the Home Office and the Lord Chancellor's Department.� (Forman and Baldwin)
� Pressure groups also improve the surveillance of government especially since in Britain MP's are so badly equipped. Pressure groups act as unofficial researchers and briefers to MP's, therefore they fulfil another democratic right - to obtain redress of grievances. In doing this pressure groups often combat the advantages of high vested interests exercising influence through 'sheer money and corruptive power' (Wilson). They act as opponents and critics of Government, especially when the interests of those whom they claim to represent are threatened by Government policy. For example, the British Medical Association was in the forefront of the campaign to resist the Conservative Government's reforms of the National Health Service in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
� Pressure groups give causes stamina. They act as publicists and purveyors of information in order to promote a particular point of view or defend a particular standpoint. For example, Shelter was extremely important in the 1960s in revealing the widespread existence of appalling housing conditions.
� Pressure groups help efficient government. �They have acted as extensions or agents of Government. This is a role which has grown in importance whenever the tendency towards corporatism has grown in British society. For example the Law Society is responsible for administering the system of state-financed legal aid. .... In addition, there are occasions when the Government makes grants to a pressure group so that it can provide a particular service. For example, Relate, the national marriage guidance organisation, has been the recipient of grants for the advice centres it runs.
� Social progress: groups enable new concerns and issues to reach the political agenda, thereby facilitating social progress and preventing social stagnation e.g. the women's and environmentalist movements.
� Pluralists argue that pressure groups have become much more significant in the political process since 1945. Over half of the groups in existence now have been formed since 1960. There has also been growth in the variety of groups, including the formation of environmental groups, groups advocating the cause of the disadvantaged like Shelter, and the Child Poverty Action Group - and the politicization of groups such as teachers, doctors and nurses. Pressure groups are increasingly well organized to influence government and this has been fostered by technological changes - it is much easier to contact and mobilise large numbers of people. The growth has been explained by the concept of post-affluent politics - a phrase used to describe a whole range of social developments since 1945 and first used.by Inglehart in 'The Silent Revolution' (1971). The argument is that, freed from the need to worry about physical survival, citizens became less interested in material questions and more concerned with issues affecting the 'quality of life'. This helps explain the growth of environmental groups,, peace groups,, moral issue groups, cultural groups. 'Affluence' includes factors like greater education, greater information through television, the breakdown of previous cultural snonns' (e.g. sexual morality and the relationship between the 'young' and the rest of society) and a generally less deferential society, one in which authority is more likely to be challenged. Another factor may be the decline of class politics - between the 1920s and 1960's 'Peoples political loyalties were shaped by class. Their political demands were articulated by class-based parties'. (Michael Moran 'The Changing World of British Pressure Groups'). The two major parties have lost over 2 million members over the last 30-years - some of this has been channelled into the pressure group.
c. Examples of Pluralism in Action
o Pluralist theorists can point to a number of recent issues which support their arguments:
� The animals rights movement and the issues with which they have been concerned like live export of animals, use of animals in cosmetic testing, blood sports - seems to be exactly in line with pluralist theory. A whole range of groups has emerged to supplement the long-established RSPCA - including Compassion in World Farming, PAL (Political Animal Lobby), ALF (Animal Liberation Front), the Vegetarian Society; the Anti-Blood Sports League. Despite the existence of a powerful NFU, the Conservative government of John Major were forced to recognise that the force of public opinion had swung in favour of more compassionate treatment of animals. The pluralist argument that business interests are not united is supported by the way the major ferry companies - fearful of channel tunnel competitiuon for passenger travel - moved quickly to ban live transport of animals on their ferries.
� The success of the CLEAR campaign for lead free petrol is commonly given as a great underdog success. According to Des Wilson the campaign - against great resistance from OCTEL, industry and government - recruited 50 other groups like Friends of the Earth, and in a seven year campaign won through.
� The Guardian reported on Thursday February 15, 2001 that the government has moved to close potential loopholes in its anti-tobacco legislation created by internet marketing techniques. Under pressure from MPs and the anti-tobacco lobby, public health minister Yvette Cooper has added new clauses to the tobacco advertising and promotion bill to prevent tobacco firms and advertising agencies exploiting "developments in technology relating to publishing or distributing by electronic means".
� There is concern that tobacco advertisers will use email marketing techniques - often called viral marketing - to promote cigarette brands. Emails containing adverts for tobacco that are sent in the course of business will be outlawed, but it is believed that advertising on a website where tobacco products are offered for sale would not be an offence. Anti-smoking pressure group ASH backs the government's efforts but recognises the inherent problems in regulating the internet. "The government is making a good stab at clamping down in this area," said Amanda Sandford, research manager at ASH. "However, the internet, due to its international nature, is notoriously difficult to regulate and, at the moment, there is little the government can do to control anything that is created outside the UK." Last month it emerged that British American Tobacco was planning a pan-European lifestyle portal that would drive consumers to bars and restaurants which sold its brands, heightening calls from MPs for clampdowns on tobacco e-marketing. The bill was given its third reading in the Commons on Tuesday night despite Conservative party complaints that the government is "rushing through" the legislation. It will now be passed to the House of Lords for further consideration and could be approved by Parliament before the expected general election in May.
� Anti-Nazi League on the The Asylum Act, �The Asylum Act of 1992 has criminalised asylum seekers, and this has been accompanied by a barrage of stories about �bogus asylum seekers�. Asylum seekers� legal rights (for example, to appeal) have been drastically cut, and, not allowed to work, they are also not allowed to claim benefits. Many have been imprisoned for months in Campsfield Detention Centre, though they have done nothing wrong. There have been hunger strikes in protest against degrading conditions. A Kurdish refugee, in an interview, stated, �In Turkey we think of Britain as a country where there is respect for human rights. We were arrested without questions being asked.� Since then Group 4, the private security firm, has taken over the running of the detention centre. Protests against forcible removal of detainees to prison led to the trial of the Campsfield Nine on charges including riot and assaulting and threatening staff. The trial collapsed after evidence against detainees was shown to be contradictory and a tissue of lies. The Labour government plans to �tighten up� on asylum seekers by removing entitlement to cash payments.�I don�t know if they have been tortured, I�m not concerned, it�s not my responsibility--detainees� welfare is not part of the procedure�--John Graham, Chief Immigration Officer, giving evidence at the trial of the Campsfield Nine (quoted in Campaign Against Racism and Fascism, No 45, August/September 1998).
� Charter 88 - The Original Charter � �We have had less freedom than we believed. That which we have enjoyed has been too dependent on the benevolence of our rulers. Our freedoms have remained their possession, rationed out to us as subjects rather than being our own inalienable possession as citizens. To make real the freedoms we once took for granted means for the first time to take them for ourselves. The time has come to demand political, civil and human rights in the United Kingdom. We call, therefore, for a new constitutional settlement which will:-
� Enshrine, by means of a Bill of Rights, such civil liberties as the right to peaceful assembly, to freedom of association, to freedom from discrimination, to freedom from detention without trial, to trial by jury, to privacy and to freedom of expression.
� Subject Executive powers and prerogatives, by whomsoever exercised, to the rule of law. Establish freedom of information and open government. Create a fair electoral system of proportional representation.
� Reform the Upper House to establish a democratic, non-hereditary Second Chamber.
� Place the Executive under the power of a democratically renewed Parliament and all agencies of the state under the rule of law.
� Ensure the independence of a reformed judiciary.
� Provide legal remedies for all abuses of power by the state and by officials of central and local government.
� Guarantee an equitable distribution of power between the nations of the United Kingdom and between local, regional and central government.
� Draw up a written constitution anchored in the ideal of universal citizenship, that incorporates these reforms. The inscription of laws does not guarantee their realisation. Only people themselves can ensure freedom, democracy and equality before the law. Nonetheless, such ends are far better demanded, and more effectively obtained and guarded, once they belong to everyone by inalienable right.
Question
Why do pluralists argue that pressure groups are valuable to democracy?
6. The Marxist Perspective : Pressure Groups serve the interests of the wealthy and undermine democracy
o Marxists oppose pluralism at all points
� Sectionalism and selfishness: pressure groups improve participation, but unequally, benefiting the well-organised but disadvantaging the weakly-organised. In this sense, they work against - not in favour of - the public interest. For example, profits are protected against consumer interests in cheap prices or safe services.
� Marxists stress the economic basis of politics - conflicts take place in a society where wealth is unevenly distributed between two classes, those who own the 'means of production' and those who sell their labour. Marxists argue that the state is dominated by capitalist interests - rather than groups checking each other, -some groups dominate, for example business groups are much more powerful than unions.
� The state is not neutral - government is biased towards the interests of the wealthy - for example, Marxists point to the 'revolving door' syndrome and the contacts MPs have with companies.
� Miliband argues that, 'In terms of social origin, education and class situation, the men who have manned all the command positions in the state system have largely ... been drawn from the world of business or property or from the professional middle classes'. The group system only apparently functions on a 'level playing field' - in practice, it reinforces the existing class and power structure.
� Political leaders accept policies that favour business, partly because of the power business wealth confers and partly because of the power of business to influence ideas through control of the press which is dependent on advertising revenue.
� Marxists stress the corruption which is widespread in modern states which call themselves democratic and highlight how parties like the Conservatives are financed by business interests.
� The poor and the unemployed are outside the pressure group world and this is best explained by the crushing significance of ideas in society which tell us that to be poor is an individual's own fault and that unemployment can be solved if individuals get on their bikes and look for work.
� Marxists suggest that there are groups outside of the mainstream, such as black youth, who do not organise to press their views on the state. 'This is because they are mindful of their own powerlessness to change things through political activity��.Simply expressed, there is no point in organising to talk politics to the powerful if you are powerless and cannot force those in government to listen and act on what you have to say.'(Dearlove & Saunders)
� Anti-parliamentary democracy: Groups and government form policy networks and policy communities, engaging in secret behind-the-scenes consultation: the resulting covert 'deals' detract both from open government and the authority of elected legislators in parliament Also, many groups are not themselves democratic organisations as they offer their members little opportunity for effective participation.
� Pluralistic stagnation: Group opposition can slow down or block desirable changes, for example President Clinton�s attempts to improve health care were blocked by powerful interests like the AMA and insurance industry.
� Social disharmony and dislocation: the inegalitarian operation of groups increases social discontent and political instability by intensifying a sense of social frustration and injustice felt by disadvantaged and excluded sections of the population. For example, the wave of copy-cat strikes in the UK in the 1970s.
� Failure of opposition: While pressure groups appear to check the misuse of power, this is only true in practice to a limited extent. For example, the tobacco industry has switched its profit making to the third world.
� Pluralism masks and does not describe reality. �The pluralist perspective ... tends to bend democratic theory ... so that it justifies and defends the established system as it is .... Pluralism is insensitive, and inattentive, to the view from the bottom; to the politics of the powerless .... ' (Dearlove & Saunders)
�
b. Evidence
There are a number of recent issues which add weight to this view:
� In an article titled 'I'm all right John' in the Sunday Times, 2-1 -95, one 'mechanism' by which industry and government relate to each other was pointed out. Former ministers joined the boards of industries they privatised � E.G. Tebbit at BT: Walker at British Gas.
� In the Guardian of 19-2-94, three Journalists made substantial allegations concerning the relationship between the Conservative government, the arms and construction industries. They pointed out that countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, and Oman had received increasing aid but also had bought significant quantities of arms from Britain. There was a strong connection between the major companies - Balfour Beatie, GEC, AMEC, Vickers, Davy and Biwater - and the allocation of aid. Sir Colin Chandler - chief executive of Vickers and former head of sales at the MOD, was a member of the government Quango - The British Overseas Aid Board - which allocates overseas aid. Its chairman was Sir Allen Cockshaw, head of AMEC. All the other companies had a representative on the board.
c. Assessment
o Marxism provides a powerful critique of modern democracies - its attacks on pluralism have considerable force in that liberal democratic systems are marked by inequalities of economic power which have a crucial impact on the political sphere and which have implications for the idea of citizen equality and participation celebrated by the liberal state.
o Criticism of the pressure group system are not confined to Marxists. For example, Mrs Thatcher was very suspicious of pressure groups saying that they limited democracy and led governments to spend more and more to �bribe� pressure groups.
o However, Marxism also has serious weaknesses.
� It assumes a static political situation and sees society divided into monolithic power blocks, based on class.
� This means that Marxism cannot explain occasions when the interests of business lose. Marxists tend to assume that business is a united interest, whereas pluralists correctly point out that there is no single capitalist interest.
� The biggest problem with Marxism is that it sees no real possibilty of improvement until the entire basis of the society is changed from one based on private ownership to state control.
� This would necssitate a massive central state and concentration of power. The collapse of the Eastem Communist bloc and the move away from socialist planning by western European socialist parties has destroyed the Marxist logic.
Question
What are the main arguments that suggest pressure groups are a danger to democracy?
7. Evaluation : Pressure Groups and Democracy
� There is no simple answer to the question of pressure group contribution to democracy because politics is a dynamic process � the influence of pressure groups varies from issue to issue, state to state, time to time, circumstance to circumstance.
� There are case studies which support pluralist optimism
� There are case studies which support Marxist pessimism
� More often than not the reality falls somewhere between the two extremes and each issue, each case study of pressure group influence, reflects a different conclusion.
� Paradoxically,
� democracy would be a hollow shell without pressure group activity but at the same time
� the general tendency of the pressure group system is to give much greater power to the wealthy �producer� interests and therefore to undermine the equality of the ballot box. This is particularly acute in the USA.
Question
What is your assessment of the value of pressure groups to democracy?
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