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The same was true for the option of using ground units from the Special
Operations Command. Within the command, some officers--such as
Schoomaker--wanted the mission of "putting boots on the ground" to get at
Bin Ladin and al Qaeda. At the time, Special Operations was designated as a
"supporting command," not a "supported command": that is, it supported a
theater commander and did not prepare its own plans for dealing with al
Qaeda. Schoomaker proposed to Shelton and Cohen that Special Operations
become a supported command, but the proposal was not adopted. Had it been
accepted, he says, he would have taken on the al Qaeda mission instead of defer-
ring to Zinni. Lieutenant General William Boykin, the current deputy under
secretary of defense for intelligence and a founding member of Delta Force,
told us that "opportunities were missed because of an unwillingness to take risks
and a lack of vision and understanding."
143
President Clinton relied on the advice of General Shelton, who informed
him that without intelligence on Bin Ladin's location, a commando raid's
chance of failure was high. Shelton told President Clinton he would go for-
ward with "boots on the ground" if the President ordered him to do so; how-
ever, he had to ensure that the President was completely aware of the large
logistical problems inherent in a military operation.
144
The Special Operations plans were apparently conceived as another quick
strike option--an option to insert forces after the United States received
actionable intelligence. President Clinton told the Commission that "if we had
had really good intelligence about . . . where [Usama Bin Ladin] was, I would
have done it." Zinni and Schoomaker did make preparations for possible very
high risk in-and-out operations to capture or kill terrorists. Cohen told the
Commission that the notion of putting military personnel on the ground with-
out some reasonable certitude that Bin Ladin was in a particular location would
have resulted in the mission's failure and the loss of life in a fruitless effort.
145
None of these officials was aware of the ambitious plan developed months ear-
lier by lower-level Defense officials.
In our interviews, some military officers repeatedly invoked the analogy of
Desert One and the failed 1980 hostage rescue mission in Iran.
146
They were
dubious about a quick strike approach to using Special Operations Forces,
which they thought complicated and risky. Such efforts would have required
bases in the region, but all the options were unappealing. Pro-Taliban elements
of Pakistan's military might warn Bin Ladin or his associates of pending oper-
ations.With nearby basing options limited, an alternative was to fly from ships
in the Arabian Sea or from land bases in the Persian Gulf, as was done after
9/11. Such operations would then have to be supported from long distances,
overflying the airspace of nations that might not have been supportive or aware
of U.S. efforts.
147
However, if these hurdles were addressed, and if the military could then
operate regularly in the region for a long period, perhaps clandestinely, it might
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