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home and abroad. Second, we will launch a comprehensive plan to detect,
deter, and defend against attacks on our critical infrastructures, our power
systems, water supplies, police, fire, and medical services, air traffic con-
trol, financial services, telephone systems, and computer networks. . . .
Third, we will undertake a concerted effort to prevent the spread and use
of biological weapons and to protect our people in the event these terri-
ble weapons are ever unleashed by a rogue state, a terrorist group, or an
international criminal organization. . . . Finally, we must do more to pro-
tect our civilian population from biological weapons.
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Clearly, the President's concern about terrorism had steadily risen. That
heightened worry would become even more obvious early in 1999, when
he addressed the National Academy of Sciences and presented his most
somber account yet of what could happen if the United States were hit,
unprepared, by terrorists wielding either weapons of mass destruction or
potent cyberweapons.
3.7 . . . AND IN THE CONGRESS
Since the beginning of the Republic, few debates have been as hotly contested
as the one over executive versus legislative powers.At the Constitutional Con-
vention, the founders sought to create a strong executive but check its powers.
They left those powers sufficiently ambiguous so that room was left for Con-
gress and the president to struggle over the direction of the nation's security
and foreign policies.
The most serious question has centered on whether or not the president
needs congressional authorization to wage war. The current status of that
debate seems to have settled into a recognition that a president can deploy mil-
itary forces for small and limited operations, but needs at least congressional
support if not explicit authorization for large and more open-ended military
operations.
This calculus becomes important in this story as both President Clinton and
President Bush chose not to seek a declaration of war on Bin Ladin after he
had declared and begun to wage war on us, a declaration that they did not
acknowledge publicly. Not until after 9/11 was a congressional authorization
sought.
The most substantial change in national security oversight in Congress took
place following World War II.The Congressional Reorganization Act of 1946
created the modern Armed Services committees that have become so power-
ful today. One especially noteworthy innovation was the creation of the Joint
House-Senate Atomic Energy Committee, which is credited by many with the
development of our nuclear deterrent capability and was also criticized for
wielding too much power relative to the executive branch.
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